Appeasement in a political context is a diplomatic
policy of making political or material concessions to an enemy power in order
to avoid conflict.
The term is most often applied to the foreign policy of the British Prime Ministers Ramsay Macdonald, Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain towards Nazi Germany between 1935 and 1939, although Pierre Laval, the French foreign minister, also sought to avoid war "by arrangements with the Dictators of Italy and Germany.". Their policies have been the subject of intense debate for more than seventy years among academics, politicians and diplomats. The historians' assessments have ranged from condemnation for allowing Adolf Hitler'sGermany to grow too strong, to the
judgment that they had no alternative and acted in their country's best
interests. At the time, these concessions were widely seen as positive, and the
Munich Pact concluded on 30 September 1938 among Germany ,
Britain , France , and Italy prompted Chamberlain to
announce that he had secured "peace for our time."
Anti-Appeasement
The term is most often applied to the foreign policy of the British Prime Ministers Ramsay Macdonald, Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain towards Nazi Germany between 1935 and 1939, although Pierre Laval, the French foreign minister, also sought to avoid war "by arrangements with the Dictators of Italy and Germany.". Their policies have been the subject of intense debate for more than seventy years among academics, politicians and diplomats. The historians' assessments have ranged from condemnation for allowing Adolf Hitler's
The Failure of Collective
Security
Chamberlain's
policy of appeasement emerged from the failure of the League
of Nations and the failure of collective security. The League of Nations was set up in the aftermath of World
War I in the hope that international cooperation and collective resistance to
aggression might prevent another war. Members of the League were entitled to
the assistance of other members if they came under attack. The policy of
collective security ran in parallel with measures to achieve international
disarmament and where possible was to be based on economic sanctions against an
aggressor. It appeared to be ineffectual when confronted by the aggression of
dictators, notably Germany 's
Remilitarization of the Rhineland, and Italian leader Benito Mussolini's invasion
of Abyssinia .
Invasion of Manchuria
In September
1931, Japan , a member of the
League of Nations, invaded northeast China ,
claiming it as not only Chinese but a multiple ethnic "Manchuria " region. China
appealed to the League and the United
States for assistance. The Council of the
League asked the parties to withdraw to their original positions to permit a
peaceful settlement. The United
States reminded them of their duty under the
Kellogg-Briand Pact to settle matters peacefully. Japan
was undeterred and went on to occupy the whole of Manchuria .
The League set up a commission of inquiry that condemned Japan , the
League duly adopting the report in February 1933. Japan
resigned from the League and continued its advance into China . Neither
the League nor the United
States took any action. "Their
inactivity and ineffectualness in the Far East
lent every encouragement to European aggressors who planned similar acts of
defiance." However the U.S. issued the Stimson Doctrine and refused to
recognize Japan 's conquest,
which played a role in shifting U.S.
policy to favor China over Japan late in
the 1930s.
Anti-Appeasement
'Germany and Europe '
... My dream is of a British statesman who
could say to his countrymen: "You are sick of war, weary of entanglements.
There are some who would have you renounce both. I offer you instead a heavier
load of foreign responsibilities, a risk of new war. Because that is the only
road to lasting peace. Since the War, British policy has been shuffling, timid,
ignoble. Be bold at last, and give a lead to Europe, by offering to form with France and
whatever other European states will join, a League within the League, of
nations pledged to submit all disputes to the League, but pledged also to fight
without hesitation in defence of any member of the group who is attacked. If Germany will join, so much the better; though Germany as she
is never will. If America ,
better still; for the present America
is a broken reed. All the more honor for us to accept a responsibility if she
refuses.
"The way will not be easy. We shall often
regret the day we pledged ourselves to bear taxation in peace and face death in
war for interests and frontiers not our own. But no interest is more really our
own than the reign of law between nations."
That is
little likely to happen. Only an Abraham Lincoln takes risks of that sort with
a nation. But this is not because the ordinary politician is wiser; it is
because the ordinary politician does not realize the latent force of idealism,
all the stronger with the decay of the religions which gave it other outlets,
ready in the world of to-day for any leader with the courage to use it; and so
easily abused accordingly by the rulers of Moscow and Berlin.
-- [From a letter by F. L. Lucas of
King's College, Cambridge ,
British anti-appeasement campaigner, to The Week-end Review, 21 October
1933]
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